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Burma: Love and Kindness Must Win Over
Everything Written by Rene Wadlow
Wednesday, 26 September 2007
ImageThe determination of Burma's Buddhist monks to bring about
change non-violently in their country has awakened a civilian
population long held in fear by the governing military. The monks
are marching behind large banners saying "Love and Kindness
must win over everything." Demonstrations have been growing
in city after city as the monks have taken the leadership of
protests which began in early September against the sudden rise
in fuel, food, and transportation costs.
The government of Burma (which changed
the name of the country to Myanmar in 1990) calls itself the
State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), but it has brought
neither peace nor development. The sudden increase in the price
of fuel, imposed overnight by the government without serious
explanation, was one more example of the mismanagement of macro-economic
issues by the military in power since 1962. Burma, a resource-rich
country with a population of some 50 million, was once known
as the rice bowl of Asia and a leading exporter of rice to the
world market. Military control of the economy has led to such
a fall in agricultural production that Burma must now import
vast quantities of rice and was granted the status of a Least
Developed Country by the UN in 1987. For, at least the last two
decades, the military has grown rich through the drug trade and
by selling timber to companies in Thailand, often owned by the
Thai military. Now, Afghanistan has replaced the Golden Triangle
as the chief source of opium, and the military must now make
their money through corruption and their monopoly of oil and
gas exports.
Ordinary Burmese find it increasingly difficult
to make a living and local trade, hotels, restaurants and shops
are increasingly owned by Chinese migrating from south China.
Fear of popular unrest has motivated the government to move from
the largest city, Rangoon, to create a new capital in the middle
of nothing, Naypyiday. The government was already cut off from
popular reality in Rangoon. In Naypyiday, the army has created
an expensive bunker and tries to control the situation through
plainclothes members of the security forces and government-sponsored
militias such as the Union Solidarity and Development Association
and the Swan Ah Shin. Among the older Burmese the military, known
as the Tatmadaw, still has a certain consideration due to the
myth of its role in the granting of independence in 1948.
Burma had been granted 'independence' on
August 1st 1943 by the Japanese occupation Army, but that independence
did not outlast the Japanese defeat. Burma was made permanently
independent on January 4th 1948 because England withdrew from
India and had no interest in holding on to territory which had
been largely governed as an annex to the Indian Sub-continent.
However, for the older Burmese, the Army is the symbol of the
struggle for independence, and despite its brutality and economic
mismanagement, conserves a certain mythical quality. Thus Aung
San Suu Kyi, the pro-democracy leader, joins the name of her
father, Aung San, one of the early Thirty Comrades independence
leaders, to her own.
However, none of this respect carries over
to the police-security forces nor to the newly formed militias.
This explains the increased brutality of these militias because
if there is a change of government, the security forces fear
that they will not be protected from popular revenge.
The military and the security forces are
in a bind concerning the leadership of the protests by Buddhist
monks. Monks are both respected and feared. Burma is, by a great
majority, a Buddhist country, though it is a Buddhism colored
by a belief in non-Buddhist nature spirits, especially in the
countryside. Monks are thought to have some influence over the
world of spirits so that it is better not to offend a Buddhist
monk who might revenge himself by sending sickness or a bad harvest.
Thus, the military are fearful of monks while they do not fear
students or pro-democracy urban intellectuals.
The previous large-scale movement against
the military had taken place in 1988 and was led by Rangoon University
students and urban, middle class professionals. Economic issues
had been the motor coupled with a discontent with military mismanagement
lasting from 1962. The demonstrations were brutally suppressed.
Many students and young professionals left for the Thai frontier
area where they joined the national minorities such as the Karen,
Wa, and Kachin which had been in armed insurgencies working for
greater autonomy or for independent states.
While some monks had participated in the
1988 movement, they had not taken a leadership role. Now, because
some monks had been beaten in public by soldiers, the monks have
started to play a visible public role. Although monks normally
live a secluded monastic life, there is no theological reason
for not playing a political role. Monks have played a key role
in politics in Sri Lanka. The Burmese monks are of the same school
of Buddhism as the Sri Lankan monks. It is still too early to
know how skilful the Burmese monks are in political affairs.
Will they be crushed by the military who fear being permanently
displaced? Will pro-democracy civil leadership use the monk-led
protests to demand democratic elections? Will the military leadership
compromise to find a half-way house between military and civilian
control? The road to Mandalay needs watching.
Rene Wadlow is the Representative
to the United Nations, Geneva, of the Association of World Citizens
|
|
Burma: Love and Kindness Must Win Over
Everything Written by Rene Wadlow
Wednesday, 26 September 2007
ImageThe determination of Burma's Buddhist monks to bring about
change non-violently in their country has awakened a civilian
population long held in fear by the governing military. The monks
are marching behind large banners saying "Love and Kindness
must win over everything." Demonstrations have been growing
in city after city as the monks have taken the leadership of
protests which began in early September against the sudden rise
in fuel, food, and transportation costs.
The government of Burma (which changed
the name of the country to Myanmar in 1990) calls itself the
State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), but it has brought
neither peace nor development. The sudden increase in the price
of fuel, imposed overnight by the government without serious
explanation, was one more example of the mismanagement of macro-economic
issues by the military in power since 1962. Burma, a resource-rich
country with a population of some 50 million, was once known
as the rice bowl of Asia and a leading exporter of rice to the
world market. Military control of the economy has led to such
a fall in agricultural production that Burma must now import
vast quantities of rice and was granted the status of a Least
Developed Country by the UN in 1987. For, at least the last two
decades, the military has grown rich through the drug trade and
by selling timber to companies in Thailand, often owned by the
Thai military. Now, Afghanistan has replaced the Golden Triangle
as the chief source of opium, and the military must now make
their money through corruption and their monopoly of oil and
gas exports.
Ordinary Burmese find it increasingly difficult
to make a living and local trade, hotels, restaurants and shops
are increasingly owned by Chinese migrating from south China.
Fear of popular unrest has motivated the government to move from
the largest city, Rangoon, to create a new capital in the middle
of nothing, Naypyiday. The government was already cut off from
popular reality in Rangoon. In Naypyiday, the army has created
an expensive bunker and tries to control the situation through
plainclothes members of the security forces and government-sponsored
militias such as the Union Solidarity and Development Association
and the Swan Ah Shin. Among the older Burmese the military, known
as the Tatmadaw, still has a certain consideration due to the
myth of its role in the granting of independence in 1948.
Burma had been granted 'independence' on
August 1st 1943 by the Japanese occupation Army, but that independence
did not outlast the Japanese defeat. Burma was made permanently
independent on January 4th 1948 because England withdrew from
India and had no interest in holding on to territory which had
been largely governed as an annex to the Indian Sub-continent.
However, for the older Burmese, the Army is the symbol of the
struggle for independence, and despite its brutality and economic
mismanagement, conserves a certain mythical quality. Thus Aung
San Suu Kyi, the pro-democracy leader, joins the name of her
father, Aung San, one of the early Thirty Comrades independence
leaders, to her own.
However, none of this respect carries over
to the police-security forces nor to the newly formed militias.
This explains the increased brutality of these militias because
if there is a change of government, the security forces fear
that they will not be protected from popular revenge.
The military and the security forces are
in a bind concerning the leadership of the protests by Buddhist
monks. Monks are both respected and feared. Burma is, by a great
majority, a Buddhist country, though it is a Buddhism colored
by a belief in non-Buddhist nature spirits, especially in the
countryside. Monks are thought to have some influence over the
world of spirits so that it is better not to offend a Buddhist
monk who might revenge himself by sending sickness or a bad harvest.
Thus, the military are fearful of monks while they do not fear
students or pro-democracy urban intellectuals.
The previous large-scale movement against
the military had taken place in 1988 and was led by Rangoon University
students and urban, middle class professionals. Economic issues
had been the motor coupled with a discontent with military mismanagement
lasting from 1962. The demonstrations were brutally suppressed.
Many students and young professionals left for the Thai frontier
area where they joined the national minorities such as the Karen,
Wa, and Kachin which had been in armed insurgencies working for
greater autonomy or for independent states.
While some monks had participated in the
1988 movement, they had not taken a leadership role. Now, because
some monks had been beaten in public by soldiers, the monks have
started to play a visible public role. Although monks normally
live a secluded monastic life, there is no theological reason
for not playing a political role. Monks have played a key role
in politics in Sri Lanka. The Burmese monks are of the same school
of Buddhism as the Sri Lankan monks. It is still too early to
know how skilful the Burmese monks are in political affairs.
Will they be crushed by the military who fear being permanently
displaced? Will pro-democracy civil leadership use the monk-led
protests to demand democratic elections? Will the military leadership
compromise to find a half-way house between military and civilian
control? The road to Mandalay needs watching.
***
Rene Wadlow is the Representative to
the United Nations, Geneva, of the Association of World Citizens
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